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Chrétien de Troyes, Le chevalier au lion ed. Contribution à une typologie des genres poétiques médiévaux, Paris, Picard, 2 voll. Vers la fin de sa vie, ce Robert-là pensait luimême à la rémission de ses péchés, ou au pardon des péchés de son père. A partire dal terzo capitolo Knowledge, marvels and other religions: Et de cel seigneur est li regnes du ciel: Francis ; Wace, La vie de sainte Marguerite ed.

Willelmus filius Dori- 6 -elis. Hugo cocus filius Gaufredi. Adam et Robert seraient également de la même condition sociale, puisque les Tanetin sont une famille de la région caennaise.

Ce Teoldus, évêque de Worcester, est décédé le 20 octobre Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae ed. Le Neve - Hardy , vol.

Premier rapport de nos fouilles. Quelle que soit la finalité du poème de Wace, la motivation du commanditaire est probablement pénitentielle. Nous avons identifié ce Robert dans un document du XIIe siècle et nous croyons que sa motivation personnelle était la rémission de ses péchés, voire des péchés de ses aïeux. Legge inventoriait plusieurs témoins de cette expression, pour se rendre compte que les exemples cités ne lui servaient pas beaucoup.

Lyons de faire, quelques années plus tard, le bilan des suppositions de ses prédécesseurs et de rejeter le factotum littéraire. À vrai dire, cette fonction, publique peut-être, demeure encore mystérieuse. Cette conjecture contredit le point de vue généralisé dans plusieurs études récentes.

Néanmoins, nous avons du mal à imaginer ces commanditaires écoutant attentivement la performance de chaque romanz.

Pour nous, le temps du commanditaire était souvent débordé par ses préoccupations administratives, politiques, dynastiques, religieuses et guerrières, voire conjugales et domestiques.

Il peut nous apprendre plus que la théorie: Le plus crucial est le choix du texte-source. Il peut, lui aussi, envisager uniquement la rétribution. La masse documentaire de ce genre de témoignages reste encore inexploitée, ce qui autorise à formuler seulement une hypothèse de travail, qui ne peut rester ici que préliminaire.

Sa participation était ponctuelle. Facsimilé du document des Archives de Calvados H 1. Aurell Martin , Le Chevalier lettré: Duval Frédéric , Quels passés pour quel Moyen Âge? Gazeau Véronique , Normannia monastica. Le Saux Françoise H. Burgess - Judith Weiss ed. Neveux François , La Normandie des ducs aux rois. Paradisi Gioia, Le passioni delle storia. XI , p. Valin Lucien , Le duc de Normandie et sa cour Edizione critica, Ruini Daniele ed.

Sul più antico volgarizzamento dei Gradi di s. Parigi, Bibliothèque Mazarine, n. Letteratura penitenziale — Volgarizzamento — Scala coelestis — Gradi di s. I testimoni italiani dei Gradi di s. Su tutti, converrà qui ricordare la celebre Scala Paradisi attribuita a s.

Giovanni Climaco e, con essa, molti altri trattati, come la Scala dei quattro gradi di carità, la Scala di s. Agostino, la Scala di s. Francesco e la Scala del cielo.

Girolamo in volgare sembra essere toccata in sorte una peculiare fortuna, attestata da un cospicuo numero di testimoni manoscritti, qui sinteticamente elencati: Penco , Heck Sulla ricezione di s. Giovanni Climaco in Occidente il riferimento è inoltre a Cortesi , pp. Girolamo si veda Corbellini Il manoscritto è composto da fogli membranacei di medie dimensioni x mm , oltre che da un foglio di guardia anteriore e un foglio di guardia posteriore, entrambi cartacei.

La pergamena è di buona qualità. Gli spazi perimetrali delle carte pergamenacee sono scarsamente utilizzati e non si rilevano imperfezioni sui margini. Le carte sono distribuite su 13 fascicoli: La rigatura è a secco: Il manoscritto non è stato sottoposto a rifilatura. Il codice presenta un impianto decorativo essenziale: Prima di ogni testo, una serie di items numerati con cifre toccate di rosso scandisce le sezioni testuali introdotte da rubrica nel corpo del manoscritto: Il copista si dimostra attento nel processo di copia, tanto da registrare eventuali errori segnalandoli con apposito segno di richiamo in rosso e nero: Sul verso della c.

La legatura, allentata, risulta moderna, con copertina in cartone marmorizzato. La storia del manoscritto è verosimilmente riassumibile nella nota di possesso databile tra XIV e XV sec. Caterina di Pisa c. Iste liber est con ventus Sancte Katerine de Pisis ordinis P re dicator um. Una mano settecentesca ha appuntato a matita: Gerolamo in pisano cc. La fisionomia testuale di Pi rivela una predilezione per testi a carattere edificante inerenti la pratica della confessione: In particolare, il percorso dei Gradi disegna una traiettoria ascensionale, indicando le virtù da seguire De diricta fede et credensa, De speransa, De caritade, De patientia, De la verace humilitade, De buona sinplicitade, De lo perdono che Dio disse in 6 Sulla datazione della trascrizione di Taddeus si rimanda alla precisazione di Castellani , p.

Occorre inoltre rilevare come proprio i Capitula de doctrina salutis anime presentino una peculiare fisionomia sotto il profilo linguistico; sono frequenti nel testo forme che denotano una marcata interferenza: Certuni tratti sono più in generale riconducibili ad una scripta franco-italiana, come la 8 Brayer Cigni e , Hasenohr , Zinelli e Ipotesi sul modello dei Gradi Nonostante numerosi studi abbiano preso in esame il testo dei Gradi, rimane ancora da sgombrare il campo circa le varie ipotesi relative al modello del volgarizzamento: Solido riferimento bibliografico — e non solo — è anche il portale on-line Sermones.

Successivamente, Michel Zink si è dedicato ad uno studio redazionale dei testi contenuti nel codice, approntandone un primo studio sistematico anche in relazione alle diverse tradizioni manoscritte dei testi ivi contenuti. Mazarine , codice francese databile al sec. La pergamena è di ottima qualità.

Ad eccezione delle cc. Il manoscritto si presenta sottoposto ad accurata rifilatura. Il codice presenta un impianto decorativo elaborato in cui a capilettera filigranati in rosso e in blu si alternano numerose iniziali riccamente decorate con motivi fitomorfi e animali; numerose rubriche scandiscono gli incipit dei testi.

Simeone in prosa cc. Uno studio mirato su questo manoscritto in Friesen Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, fr. Una prima indagine ha evidenziato come il ms. Royal 16 E XII. Et de cel seigneur est li regnes du ciel: Li premiers de ces IIII est droituriere foi, li seconz esperance, li tierz charité, li quarz humilité.

Et de li due regni et de le due vie vi voglio dire un pogo. Uno signore lo quale est signore di tucto et di tucti coloro che buona vita menano et che vita durabile promecteno: Et di quello signore est lo regno di cielo: Et in quella scala si ave trentra gradi per li quali homo vi sallia.

Proseguendo nella lettura, tuttavia, è agevole osservare come i due testi procedano in parallelo, nel segno di una corrispondenza pressoché esatta: Li premiers degrez de ceste sainte eschiele est droite foi et foi ce est creance et cele creance est que croire devez le Pere et le Fill et le Saint Esperit que ce est uns Diex.

Che lo nostro Signore Dio disse in del Vangelio: Quar ce dist Diex: Et Sainz Gregoires dist: Et ce est voirs se la bone creance aemplist par huevre. Et San Pox dist: Et Sancto Agustino disse: Et Sainz Iacques dist: Frere ne cuidiez vos pas que ce soit veraie creance entre le riche et le povre fere difference.

Et san Gregorio disse: Et san Paulo disse: Et san Iovanni Evangelista disse: Quar se dui vienent entre vos et ensoit li uns povre et li autres riches, vos dirois au riches: Et vos honorés les riches et les povres dispisiez.

Certes la loi devez aemplir et amer voz primes non mie plus le riches que le povre et se tu ne le fes, tu peches et trespasses la loi. Tel fol i avra qui dura ge ai foi et ne fera pas les huevres de foi et qui li proufite ce, puet le sauver cele creance. Et voi diçonorate lo povero et lo riccho honorate che tuctora intendeno in de li vostri mali. Tale fole serà che dirà io abbo fede. Et se li vale neiente puolo salvare chutale fede u credensa? Non che vedrà lo suo frate u la sua suore poveri et bisogniosi et chieranoli che faccia lor bene et elli dirà loro: Ce dist il de les perir que cil referoient.

Et Sainz Ysidores dist: Quar ausi come grant eve estaindroit i grant feu, ausi estendroit la doctrine de Dieu la flambe de charnel covoitise, dont li home ardent et les femes.

En tel maniere estaignent li comandement de Dieu tote la flambe des mortiex couvoitises et refreschissent le cors. Veraiement est la doctrine de Dieu eve vive qar as morz donne vie. Li seconz de ces IIII degrez est esperance, ce est que esperer devons ce qui est ore et ce qui est a venir que tout avendra einsi come Diex dist. Espere devons que de touz les biens que nos ferons et que nos dirons, nos rendra Diex le guerredon, se nos ne somes veraus confes. Et David dist li Psalmistes: Et puis par reson devons esperer el regne dou ciel.

Et Diex dist par la bouche Ezechielle prophete que la ou li droituriers hom peche, toute sa droiture est oubliee devant Dieu. Et la ou li pechierieres se convertist par veraie penitance, trestuit li pechie sont oublie devant Dieu. Sperare dovemo che di tucti li beni che noi diremo et faremo no rendrà Dio guilliardone se noi siamo veracemente confessi.

Et David profeta disse: Che lo nostro Signore disse per boccha di Çechiel profeta che, quando lo diricto homo pecca, tucta la sua dirictura è dementicata dinanti a Dio, et quando lo peccatore si converte per verace confessione et per verace penetensia, tucti li suoi peccati sono dimenticati dinansi a Dio.

Et sainz Gregoires dist que li felon qui ne tienent les comandemenz de la droiture, Nostre Seigneur en vein se penent de la misericorde Dieu. Et Sainz Augustins dist que est amer Dieu? Que est amer le prisme? Et autre bien dist Sainz Gregoires, quar: E san Gregorio disse: Che Dio disse in del Vangelio: Jhesus li filz Syrach dist que cil qui aime Dieu li prie por ses pechiez et se de pechier se tient, lors a Diex ses oreilles a ses prieres oir, quar toute beste aime celui qui la resemble, por ce doit amer li bons hom son prisme come soi meismes.

Cil qui ocient les homes, il forsenent quar il ne se connoissent. Il font ausi come cil qui autrui cotele des piece quant cil qui ocit le cors du bon home ne li fet autre chose forse que sa cotele li des piece et tolt. Et se tuit li droiturier home soufroient I petit de peine et de travaill in cest siecle, sachiez bien que lor ioie dorroit sanz fin.

Or sachiez bien que tuit li mail que li droituriers hom sueffie, par la volonté de Dieu le sueffie. Sachiez que tout ce est dit por les bons greins, si gist de souz pres de la terre et li estreins desevre qui gueres ne vaut.

Mes quant vendra li vanerres qui deserra le grein de la paille, le grain metra en son grenier et la paille metra el feu por ardoir. Et ce est li feus qui ia ne faudra. La precoce pisanità del testo, a più riprese accertata ed indagata, si rivela di particolare antichità XIII sec.

Girolamo e riportata dal TLIO sotto la forma adiramento; cfr. Come mi suggerisce M. Agostino, ora a s. I Gradi tra Genova, Pisa e il Convento di s. Frosini sulla tradizione della Storia di Barlaam et Josafas Frosini , b e , mentre una riflessione a parte sarà qui di seguito riservata alle traduzioni dal francese.

Firenze, BML, Pluteo Diversi indizi sembrano convergere in questa direzione: IV 64, edito da Crespo La lingua del volgarizzamento risulta inequivocabilmente pisana: Sulla tradizione francese del testo si veda anche Segre e Radicula Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Strozziano e il ms.

Uno studio mirato su questi ed altri dati codicologici è in fase di elaborazione. GIROLAMO proprio Pisa abbia costituito un centro primario nella diffusione di un testo destinato a conoscere una notevole fortuna nei secoli a venire. Il testimone risulta composito: XIV, presenta un testo inequivocabilmente pisano: Riccardiano , codice di piccolo formato prodotto non oltre la metà del Trecento e destinato, con buona probabilità, a letture devozionali private.

Se, dunque, le coordinate di produzione dei Gradi pisani volgarizzati sul finire del sec. XIII rimandano concordemente al milieu carcerario genovese, resta ancora da chiarire quali ambienti e quali forze abbiano promosso la diffusione e il successo di questo testo.

Caterina di Pisa almeno a partire dal secolo XIV, mentre ancora al medesimo côté domenicano è stato ricondotto il Ricc. In questo quadro, la tradizione dei Gradi sembra rimandare ad una fruizione domenicana proprio nella Pisa del primo Trecento, individuando nello studium del convento di s.

Caterina un ambiente culturale privilegiato nella prima circolazione del testo. Frosini , b, a, b. Il codice, composito, presenta una prima sezione fiorentina ed una seconda sezione pisana, contenente la Storia di Barlaam et Iosaphat cc. Domenico Cavalca, Giordano da Rivalto e Bartolomeo da s. Concordio, autore, peraltro, di una delle più celebri e diffuse summae confessorum, nonché traduttore delle sue stesse opere. Non solo un centro di ricezione culturale, dunque, ma anche un polo attivo nella produzione e nella diffusione di manoscritti e di opere letterarie, in grado di incrementare la biblioteca dei domenicani pisani, ricca di opere teologiche, scientifiche, dottrinali e filosofiche.

Quasi un manuale di confessione, insomma, che da Pisa avrebbe conosciuto una duratura fortuna nei secoli a venire, riscontrando una diffusione sia verso il Nord della penisola, sia una capillare e massiccia circolazione in area toscana entro raccolte di testi a carattere religioso: Caterina di Pisa un precoce centro di lettura e diffusione. Banti , Panella Utile anche il quadro sul milieu culturale attorno a Bartolomeo da s. Concordio recentemente fornito da Vecchio Gregorio, eseguita dai domenicani di s.

Études et documents, Aldershot, Variorum. Banti Ottavio , La Biblioteca e il convento di S. Conforto et rimedio delli veraci e leali amadori, Firenze, Accademia della Crusca. Introduzione, Bologna, il Mulino, pp. Edizione critica, traduzione e commento, Ospedaletto, Pacini Editore. Osservazioni e alcune ipotesi sulla lingua della Compilazione arturiana di Rustichello da Pisa, in Conte Silvia ed.

Itinerari testuali, vettori di trasmissione e metamorfosi del Devisement du monde di Marco Polo e Rustichello da Pisa nella pluralità delle attestazioni, Convegno internazionale Venezia, ottobre , Roma, Tiellemedia. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes, Schroeder, Bonn, Franceschini Fabrizio , Sonorizzazione, lenizione, spirantizzazione nel pisano, in Agostiniani Luciano - Giannelli Luciano ed.

Versione italiana del ms. Per i cento anni di studi e ricerche di diplomatica comunale di Pietro Torelli, Atti delle giornate di studi, Mantova, Accademia Nazionale Virgiliana, dicembre , pp. Analisi paleografica e codicologica, Tesi di laurea in Paleografia latina, rel.

Hasenohr Geneviève , Copistes italiens du Lancelot: Nationale, in Lancelot, Lanzelet. Lo libro dele marescalcie dei cavalli: Trattato veterinario del Duecento, Yvonne Olrog Hedval ed. Parrinello Rosa Maria ed. Pellegrini Letizia , I manoscritti dei predicatori. Bottari, voce, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol.

Robson Charles Alan ed. Rusconi Roberto , De la prédication à la confession: Caterina, in Catalogo di manoscritti filosofici nelle biblioteche italiane, Firenze, Olschki, vol. I Proverbi tradotti dal francese ed il loro inserimento nelle sillogi bibliche, in Leonardi Lino ed. Definizione tipologia fenomenologia, Venezia, ottobre ], pp. Zink Michel , La prédication en langue romane avant , Paris, Champion. The French romance Paris et Vienne was translated into a great number of languages in the Middle Ages.

The Swedish translation Riddar Paris och Jungfru Vienna from the sixteenth century only comprises the opening of the tale and is no more than lines long. It is preserved in the manuscript Stockholm, Kungliga biblioteket, D 2, which is also known as Spegelbergs bok, a manuscript that contains texts of different genres. This article discusses some features of the Swedish text and context.

Paris et Vienne — Riddar Paris och Jungfru Vienna — Roman idyllique — Medieval translation — Courtly love Even though the romance Paris et Vienne has received little attention in the scholarly world, it was a popular success in the late Middle Ages. The many preserved manuscripts and early prints bear witness to its popularity in various milieus and cultures.

The fragment, only preserved in the manuscript Stockholm, Kungliga biblioteket, D 2, also known as Spegelbergs bok, comprises the opening of the tale and is not more than lines long. Nonetheless, this Swedish fragment, which marks the end of a small but important tradition of courtly literature in medieval Sweden, is interesting for a number of reasons. The French Paris et Vienne Paris et Vienne tells the story of two young lovers, Paris and Vienne, who have to overcome parental opposition before finally getting married.

This story is typical of what scholars today call the roman idyllique, a kind of text that was widespread in the Middle Ages, more famous examples of the genre being Floire et Blanchefleur and Aucassin et Nicolette.

The longer version, edited by Robert Kaltenbacher in , is attributed to a certain Pierre de la Cépède from Marseille. According to the prologue with which de la Cépède introduces his work, the French text was a translation made in from the Provençal, and the same Provençal source derived from the Catalan.

However, neither of these sources has been preserved, although traces of a Provençal influence have been identified in the early manuscripts of the romance. These three texts are important in the history of Swedish literature since they mark its beginning — at least, there is no trace of earlier Swedish literary texts of the same scope: The Eufemiavisor are followed by a number of texts that draw inspiration from them, in one way or another, for example the Erikskrönika, Konung Alexander and Namnlös och Valentin.

As stated above, Riddar Paris och Jungfru Vienna marks the end of this tradition of courtly literature. It is about half the size of the longer version and like the Burgundian redaction, it starts without a prologue and is divided into chapters.

This shorter version, edited by Anna Maria Babbi in , was the starting point of many translations of the romance into other languages. In a recent article, Brown-Grant has pointed out some differences between the longer and the shorter versions, at the same time as she has drawn parallels between the shorter version and the Burgundian redaction.

Brown-Grant argues that the playful and comic tone of the longer version is replaced by a more serious tone in the other two text traditions: The first part of the manuscript is dated to and the second to It is a paper manuscript, apart from the first two and the last two pages, which are vellum, and it has no illuminations. D 2 once contained folia, but only of these are preserved. In order to get a closer understanding of the Swedish version of Paris et Vienne, it is necessary not only to raise the question of the identities of the commissioner and the translator behind the Swedish text but also to examine how the different texts within the manuscript relate to each other.

Does the Swedish translation of Paris et Vienne play a particular role within this collection of texts? All of the texts in D 2 cannot be considered as literary entertainment to the same extent as Riddar Paris och jungfru Vienna. On the contrary, D 2 assembles what Jonas Carlquist classifies as three types of texts: The first text in the manuscript, Om Gotland, is a translation into Old Swedish of the second chapter of Guta saga, a history of the island of Gotland written in Old Gutnish.

This text is followed by copies of two famous Swedish rhymed chronicles retelling political events: After these chronicles, the manuscript presents a copy of Hertig Fredrik av Normandie, a fictional text that recounts the adventures of a certain Duke Fredrik and is one of the three romances that were translated at the behest of Queen Eufemia of Norway the so-called Eufemiavisor.

According to the text, Hertig Fredrik av Normandie is a translation from a German source that, in its turn, was a translation from the French. Neither of these sources has been preserved. The source text of Hertig Fredrik av Normandie remains unknown. Layher has drawn attention to the similarities between the Swedish text and a Middle Dutch fragment about a certain Hertog Henric — a fragment that could, indeed, bring us closer to the lost Low German source.

According to Layher, it is, however, unlikely that a French source ever existed , pp. This fragment occupies the folia v to r and is followed by a number of empty folia vv , some of them missing today Thus it seems that space was left in order to continue the translation. After this text come three translations of Latin diplomas, written at the behest of King Valdemar of Denmark, referred to as Paa halland och skane.

After these texts, we find the didactic poem Biskop Henriks rim, attributed to Bishop Henrik Tidemansson, that deals with the Ten Commandments and how to rule.

D 2 ends with the chronicle Kung Christian Klippings krönika, which, according to Carlquist, presents clearly anti-Danish elements. Hans Brask Hans Brask was bishop of Linköping and a wellinformed and experienced politician. See for example the description of D 2 given by Klemming , pp. For a presentation of Hans Brask, see Sjödin He was a student at the cathedral school of Skara in Sweden before studying in Germany, first at the university of Rostock in and then, the following year, due to a rebellion in Rostock, at the university of Greifswald.

He also spent time in Nürnberg and Leipzig. Around , due to a conflict between Bishop Henrik Tidemansson, for whom he had worked, and the chief magistrate of Linköping, Lars Nilsson, Brask went to Rome and worked at the Roman Curia. His stay in Italy continued until , with two short interruptions. During this time, he wrote several supplications for the Curia, received a doctoral degree and strengthened his power within the Swedish church.

He also made acquaintanceships that he kept for a long time, mostly with Swedish and German priests. For example, Brask describes Sweden as being situated at the end of the world — a poor country that was Christianised at a late stage in history and therefore needed regular contact with the centre of Christianity. See also Stobaeus , p. What is more interesting in this context is his advice that Bengtsson should learn Italian and French, languages that Brask considered useful in diplomatic work.

It should be noted that for some time Brask also ran a printing house in Söderköping that could have helped to spread the texts he wanted to be translated. As the Swedish literary historian KarlIvar Hildeman has pointed out, the translation of Paris et Vienne fits well into these didactic intentions. For some time he had supported the Swedish king Gustav Vasa, although the king was his opponent.

However, in , when the decision was taken to turn Sweden into a Protestant country, he went into exile, travelling to Danzig, and after that he never returned to Sweden. The king closed down the printing house and the plan to translate texts such as Orlando innamorato was never realized. See also Hildeman , p.

Whereas the Old Swedish tradition is dominated by texts in knittel, the Eufemiavisor being the most famous example, Hildeman points out that Riddar Paris och jungfru Vienna and the Danish rhymed Chronicle were both written in a strophic metre. When it comes to the question of the source of the Swedish text, he considers it improbable that the translator used a French text. He draws attention to its closeness to the English and Dutch variants, and states that the Dutch variant could have been spread to Sweden through a Low German intermediary.

For example, as Hildeman points out, the Swedish knight learns not only how to use a sword, as in many of the other foreign versions, but also how to wrestle and play chess. However, the Swedish text does not only add references to the talents associated with a brave knight. In the following, I would like to discuss a couple of other features that are present in the text that show how the Swedish translation could have become a nuanced version of Paris et Vienne, if only it had been finished.

The Swedish Riddar Paris och jungfru Vienna starts with a short prologue. In this passage, which takes up 13 lines in D 2, the narrator introduces the story that he is about to tell, presenting the main characters and the love theme: Här börias een lustelich historia aff en eddla Riddara i francariike ther heet pariis Oc then sköne Jomffru vienna then war en velldig herras dotter her godwart dallenson delphin i ffrankarike och bannerherre Och war han aff gamelt konunx slecte, holchen paris och vienna ledo mikin bedröffuilse oc motegang ffor troo höffuisk kerlech skull som the haffde them emellan oc kom dog alth til en good enda p.

Paris and Vienna suffered great distress and misfortune for the sake of the true courtly love that they had between them, but all nevertheless ended well. First of all, whereas the Low German text starts with the words Hier beghynnet ene historie p. In the Low German source, we can read: The English text states: Once again, the Swedish translator gives a more detailed description, mentioning the full name Godwart Dallenson, the fact that he came from France and that he was of old courtly lineage.

By adding the reference to France and the courtly lineage, the translator places his story in a context of courtly romances. It is worth remembering that the manuscript of D 2, Riddar Paris och jungfru Vienna, follows directly after Hertig Fredrik av Normandie, which tells the story of Duke Fredrik of Normandy and his way to royal power. By emphasising the French and courtly milieu, the translator connects his text to the previous romance about Fredrik.

It is, however, the final lines of the prologue that catch my interest. In the Swedish translation, we learn that the two lovers suffered ffor troo höffuisk kerlech skull. In the Low German translation there is no direct equivalent to the word höffuisk: As is widely known, the expression courtly love or amour courtois is not really medieval but rather an invention of the 19thcentury mediaevalist Gaston Paris. However, it does appear in the prologue to the Swedish translation of Paris et Vienne.

Thus, even though the Swedish text was never finished and its literary value could never be fully evaluated, its mention of courtly love doubtlessly deserves attention. The passages in question are: In all of these passages, the Swedish translator makes additions that actually seem to reflect a larger idea about what his text should tell its public.

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